Federal Courts - Virginia Law Review https://virginialawreview.org Wed, 29 Mar 2023 15:55:52 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.5.5 Judicial Minimalism in the Lower Courts https://virginialawreview.org/articles/judicial-minimalism-in-the-lower-courts/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=judicial-minimalism-in-the-lower-courts Thu, 30 Jun 2022 16:30:00 +0000 https://virginialawreview.org/?post_type=articles&p=3101 Debate about the virtues and vices of “judicial minimalism” is evergreen. But as is often the case in public law, that debate so far has centered on the Supreme Court. Minimalism arose and has been defended as a theory about how Justices should judge. This Article considers judicial minimalism as an approach for lower courts,Read More »

The post Judicial Minimalism in the Lower Courts first appeared on Virginia Law Review.

]]>
Debate about the virtues and vices of “judicial minimalism” is evergreen. But as is often the case in public law, that debate so far has centered on the Supreme Court. Minimalism arose and has been defended as a theory about how Justices should judge. This Article considers judicial minimalism as an approach for lower courts, which have become conspicuous and powerful actors on the public law scene. It begins by offering a framework that disentangles the three basic meanings of the term “judicial minimalism”: decisional minimalism, which counsels judges to decide cases on narrow and shallow grounds; prudential minimalism, which counsels judges to avail themselves of various techniques of not deciding cases (the so-called “passive virtues”) on grounds of prudence; and Thayerian minimalism, which counsels judges to refrain from invalidating the actions of the political branches except in cases of clear illegality. This Article then argues that several institutional features of lower courts make judicial minimalism in most of its forms a particularly compelling ideal for lower court judges. Further, attending to the differences between the lower courts and the Supreme Court reveals that minimalism is in tension with the institutional logic of the Supreme Court. In all, this Article aims both to clarify the concept of minimalism and to place it in its proper institutional home. After making the case for lower court minimalism, this Article proposes some strategies for realizing it: first, developing a concept of judicial role fidelity that is tailored to the institutional realities of lower courts, and second, reforming case-assignment rules, nationwide injunctions, and the size of the federal bench to help channel lower courts toward more minimalist outcomes.

Introduction

The lower federal courts are active and conspicuous these days. “[I]nferior” Article III courts (as the Constitution calls them1.U.S. Const. art. III, § 1.Show More) have “now assumed enormous legal, political, and cultural significance.”2.Henry P. Monaghan, Jurisdiction Stripping Circa 2020: What The Dialogue (Still) Has To Teach Us, 69 Duke L.J. 1, 32 (2019). The present salience of lower federal courts may not be historically unprecedented. One thinks, for instance, of the lower courts as a focal point in the fight over federalism in the early Republic, Alison L. LaCroix, The Ideological Origins of American Federalism 179 (2010); of lower court enforcement of the fugitive slave laws, Robert Cover, Justice Accused: Antislavery and the Judicial Process 159–74 (1975); or of lower courts issuing injunctions against organized labor in the Progressive Era, William E. Forbath, The Shaping of the American Labor Movement, 102 Harv. L. Rev. 1109, 1148–65 (1989).Show More They have repeatedly reviewed and halted major initiatives of the Trump and Biden Administrations,3.SeeBert I. Huang, Judicial Credibility, 61 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1053, 1060 (2020) (noting that the Trump era was “a political moment when numerous government actions [were] being blocked by the lower federal courts”); Fred Barbash, Deanna Paul, Brittany Renee Mayes & Danielle Rindler, Federal Courts Have Ruled Against Trump Administration Policies at Least 70 Times, Wash. Post (Apr. 26, 2019), https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphi​cs/2019/politic​s/trump-overruled/ [https://perma.cc/MR8E-WMTX] (“All administrations lose cases, but experts cannot recall so many losses in such a short time.”); Ian Millhiser, Just How Much Is Trump’s Judiciary Sabotaging the Biden Presidency?, Vox (Dec. 27, 2021) (on file with editors), https://www.​vox.com/22820378/trump-biden-supreme-court-judiciary-sabotage.Show More often generating front-page headlines and issuing decisive nationwide relief that reshapes American life.4.E.g., Michael D. Shear, Stacy Cowley & Alan Rappeport, Biden’s Efforts at Race Equity Run into Snags, N.Y. Times, June 27, 2021, at A1; Alexander Burns, Federal Judge Blocks New Ban on Travel to U.S., N.Y. Times, Mar. 16, 2017, at A1. I represented the plaintiffs in the second of these cases, culminating in Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392 (2018). The views expressed in this Article are my own.Show More In the process, they have decided—at least provisionally—major questions roiling the nation, involving everything from abortion to race, religious freedom, public health, immigration, and presidential power. It is an opportune time to reflect on the proper role of a lower court judge in a public law case.

One of the most prominent theories addressing that general issue—the proper role of a judge—goes by the label “judicial minimalism.” Minimalism seems to be everywhere: it is deployed in court opinions,5.See, e.g.,Fulton v. City of Philadelphia, 141 S. Ct. 1868, 1881 (2021) (ruling on narrow, case-specific grounds); id. at 1883 (Barrett, J., concurring) (defending this narrow disposition); id. at 1887–88 (Alito, J., concurring in the judgment) (criticizing the majority’s narrow disposition). I represented the City of Philadelphia in the Supreme Court in Fulton. Again, the positions taken here are mine.Show More theorized in the legal academy,6.See infraPart I.Show More and debated in the commentariat.7.E.g., David Cole, Surprising Consensus at the Supreme Court, N.Y. Rev. of Books (July 7, 2021), https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2021/08/19/surprising-consensus-at-the-supreme​-court/ [https://perma.cc/2VZH-9GDU] (discussing “minimalism” in the Supreme Court’s recently concluded Term); Jay Michaelson, Your Father’s Supreme Court, Intelligencer, N.Y. Mag. (July 3, 2021) (on file with editors), https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2021/07/your-fathers-supreme-court.ht​ml (same).Show More It is a “dominant school of thought” today, with deep roots in our legal culture.8.Jonathan T. Molot, Principled Minimalism: Restriking the Balance Between Judicial Minimalism and Neutral Principles, 90 Va. L. Rev. 1753, 1776 (2004); Neal Devins, Rethinking Judicial Minimalism: Abortion Politics, Party Polarization, and the Consequences of Returning the Constitution to Elected Government, 69 Vand. L. Rev. 935, 938–39 (2016) (“Minimalism remains vibrant and is almost certainly the most important contemporary constitutional theory that formally takes into account the dynamic between the Supreme Court and elected government.”).Show More Eminences like James Bradley Thayer, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Alexander Bickel, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and Cass Sunstein, to name only a few, have embraced variants of minimalism.9.See infraPart I.Show More

To date, however, debates about lower court judging and debates about minimalism have rarely intersected. The bulging literature on judicial minimalism has focused on the Supreme Court of the United States. Minimalism developed and has been offered as a philosophy for Justices, not judges. As far as I am aware, no one has systematically considered whether judicial minimalism makes sense as a model for lower court judges, who handle the vast bulk of Article III adjudication.10 10.See Stephen G. Breyer, Reflections on the Role of Appellate Courts: A View from the Supreme Court, 8 J. App. Prac. & Process 91, 93 (2006) (noting that “the eighty cases that the Supreme Court hears annually represent the small tip of a vast iceberg” and that “most determinative legal interpretations occur instead in the federal courts of appeals, in the state supreme courts, and in state appellate courts”); Sanford Levinson, On Positivism and Potted Plants: Inferior Judges and the Task of Constitutional Interpretation, 25 Conn. L. Rev. 843, 844 (1993) (“The behavior of the roughly 100 circuit judges and 500 district judges is, for most citizens most of the time, far more likely to count as ‘the law’ than the pronouncements of the nine denizens of the Supreme Court . . . .”).Show More

This Article takes up that question and answers yes: the institutional situation of lower courts makes judicial minimalism in most of its forms a particularly compelling model for a lower court judge. Substantiating that claim requires a few steps. The first is to define what judicial minimalism is and unpack why it has been defended, and so this Article begins by offering a framework that disentangles the three core meanings of judicial minimalism. Next, this Article walks through the institutional features of lower courts that distinguish them from the Supreme Court and explores how those features bear upon the judicial role. I argue that, taken together, those features counsel in favor of an approach to judging that coincides closely with the program of judicial minimalism. The call for institutional “situation-sense” that motivates this Article yields more than just a prescription for lower courts. Attending to the full context of the judicial system calls into question judicial minimalism as an ideal for the Supreme Court—the institution it was designed to address. Finally, the Article closes with some proposed reforms to cultivate a measure of minimalism in the lower courts. In a word, I aim to give the concept of judicial minimalism more analytical precision and to place it in its proper institutional home.

Such a project seems timely. As noted, lower courts have become highly visible and powerful actors on the public law scene.11 11.See supranote 2.Show More They are, as a result, starting more and more to attract the notice of theorists and commentators.12 12.See, e.g., Perry Bacon Jr., The Most Dangerous Conservative Judges Aren’t on the Supreme Court, Wash. Post (Dec. 21, 2021), https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/20​21/​12/21/most-dangerous-conservative-judges-arent-supreme-court/ [https://perma.cc/J4KJ-VZ​TH].Show More This attention is welcome. The traditional (if often implicit) focus of public law scholarship has been the Supreme Court, and the lower courts, as a result, were often overlooked.13 13.SeeEdward A. Purcell, Jr., Reconsidering the Frankfurterian Paradigm: Reflections on Histories of Lower Federal Courts, 24 Law & Soc. Inquiry 679, 681 (1999) (“Our excessive focus on the Supreme Court . . . has over the years minimized and obscured large areas of American experience . . . .”);Evan H. Caminker, Precedent and Prediction: The Forward-Looking Aspects of Inferior Court Decisionmaking, 73 Tex. L. Rev. 1, 4 (1994) (“[W]hile numerous scholars have comprehensively explored the nature and function of judicial law declaration from the perspective of the Supreme Court or a hypothetical single-judge judiciary, few have considered the view from below and the interaction between subordinacy and function.”).Show More In recent years, though, scholars have paid increasing heed to the variety of institutions that consider and decide questions of public law.14 14.SeeCass R. Sunstein & Adrian Vermeule, Interpretation and Institutions, 101 Mich. L. Rev. 885, 920–22 (2003). Of course, at a high level of generality, legal scholarship had been preoccupied with institutional questions since at least the legal process school, seeEdward L. Rubin, The New Legal Process, The Synthesis of Discourse, and the Microanalysis of Institutions, 109 Harv. L. Rev. 1393, 1396 (1996), but Professors Sunstein and Vermeule called for a more rigorously empirical and less stylized approach to institutional analysis. Sunstein & Vermeule, supra, at 897–913.Show More The core contention of this “institutional turn” is that normative theory about legal decision making ought to be bespoke, tailored to the manifold institutional settings in which questions of public law are resolved.15 15.Sunstein & Vermeule, supra note 14, at 886.Show More The study of lower courts has been a beneficiary of this institutional turn: recent scholarship has examined originalism,16 16.See Ryan C. Williams, Lower Court Originalism, 45 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 257 (2022).Show More popular constitutionalism,17 17.Katie Eyer, Lower Court Popular Constitutionalism, 123 Yale L.J. Online 197, 215–18 (2013).Show More statutory interpretation,18 18.James J. Brudney & Lawrence Baum, Protean Statutory Interpretation in the Courts of Appeals, 58 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 681, 686 (2017); Aaron-Andrew P. Bruhl, Hierarchy and Heterogeneity: How to Read a Statute in a Lower Court, 97 Cornell L. Rev.433, 470–84 (2012).Show More stare decisis,19 19.Amy Coney Barrett, Statutory Stare Decisis in the Courts of Appeals, 73 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 317, 318 (2005).Show More foreign law,20 20.Roger P. Alford, Lower Courts and Constitutional Comparativism, 77 Fordham L. Rev. 647, 656–64 (2008).Show More Chevron deference,21 21.Michael Coenen & Seth Davis, Minor Courts, Major Questions, 70 Vand. L. Rev. 777, 799–820 (2017) (arguing that the “major questions” exception to Chevron deference should not be applied in lower courts).Show More and other topics in the context of lower federal courts,22 22.Z. Payvand Ahdout, Enforcement Lawmaking and Judicial Review, 135 Harv. L. Rev. 937, 960–73 (2022) (evaluating lower courts’ use of case management techniques in recent separation-of-powers suits); Richard M. Re, Narrowing Supreme Court Precedent from Below, 104 Geo. L.J. 921, 925 (2016) (arguing that lower courts can legitimately “narrow” Supreme Court precedent in certain circumstances); Doni Gewirtzman, Lower Court Constitutionalism: Circuit Court Discretion in a Complex Adaptive System, 61 Am. U. L. Rev. 457, 506–09 (2012) (viewing lower court decision making through the lens of complexity theory). For a critique of the federal courts of appeals as they currently operate that blends historical, empirical, and normative strands, see generally William M. Richman & William L. Reynolds, Injustice on Appeal: The United States Courts of Appeals in Crisis (2013).Show More to say nothing of state courts.23 23.See David E. Pozen, Judicial Elections as Popular Constitutionalism, 110 Colum. L. Rev. 2047, 2064–86 (2011) (exploring how judicial elections for state courts relate to theories of popular constitutionalism); Helen Hershkoff, State Courts and the “Passive Virtues”: Rethinking the Judicial Function, 114 Harv. L. Rev. 1833, 1842–76 (2001) (offering a comprehensive survey of justiciability doctrines in state courts); Hans A. Linde, E Pluribus—Constitutional Theory and State Courts, 18 Ga. L. Rev. 165, 166 (1984) (exploring the relationship between constitutional theory and “the world of the state courts”).Show More This scholarship has usefully foregrounded the judicial bodies that decide many multiples more cases than the ever-vanishing sliver that makes its way to the Supreme Court.24 24.In the 2020 Term, the Supreme Court issued only fifty-seven decisions in argued cases (and sixty-seven decisions including summary reversals and orders on the shadow docket). Stat Pack for the Supreme Court’s 2020–21 Term, SCOTUSBlog, https://www.scotusblog.co​m/statistics [https://perma.cc/SUY9-X5RD] (last visited May 20, 2022). The federal courts of appeals decide nearly fifty thousand cases per year. Admin. Off. of the U.S. Cts., Table B: U.S. Courts of Appeals––Cases Commenced, Terminated, and Pending During the 12-Month Periods Ending September 30, 2019 and 2020, at 1 (Sept. 30, 2020), https://www.uscourts.gov/sites​/default/files/data_tables/jb_b_0930.2020.pdf [https://perma.cc/U7M2-ESJB].Show More But the void regarding judicial minimalism persists. And, in some ways, minimalism is even more fundamental than these other questions because it goes to the basic attitude a judge should have toward the task of adjudication and so is interwoven with all the first-order interpretive debates just noted.25 25.See infra notes 98–103 and accompanying text.Show More

Judicial minimalism also relates to larger public controversies unfolding now about whether the federal judiciary should be reorganized or limited. Many feel that the judiciary is out of step with the political and legal mainstream.26 26.SeeJonathan S. Gould & David E. Pozen, Structural Biases in Structural Constitutional Law, 97 N.Y.U. L. Rev. (manuscript at 20) (forthcoming 2022), https://papers.ss​rn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3797051 [https://perma.cc/56BE-6CKF] (noting the pro-Republican structural biases in our method for selecting judges); Joshua P. Zoffer & David Singh Grewal, The Counter-Majoritarian Difficulty of a Minoritarian Judiciary, 11 Calif. L. Rev. Online 437, 454–62 (2020) (documenting the rise of federal judges appointed by Presidents and Senators representing a minority of the populace and the resulting legitimacy crisis in the federal judiciary).Show More Prominent academics have called for major court reforms.27 27.See generally Presidential Comm’n on the Sup. Ct. of the U.S., Final Report(2021), https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/SCOTUS-Report-Final-12.8.21-1.​pdf [https://perma.cc/K69J-T2C8] (summarizing and assessing potential Supreme Court reforms).Show More President Biden appointed a commission to explore, among other things, changing the size of the Supreme Court—a proposal that would have been nearly unthinkable not long ago.28 28.Michael D. Shear & Carl Hulse, Biden Orders Panel’s Review on Expanding Supreme Court, N.Y. Times, Apr. 10, 2021, at A13; cf. David E. Pozen, Self-Help and the Separation of Powers, 124 Yale L.J. 2, 34 (2014) (“‘Court packing’ is especially out of bounds.”).Show More Other scholars have objected to the increasingly prevalent “nationwide” injunction.29 29.E.g., Samuel L. Bray, Multiple Chancellors: Reforming the National Injunction, 131 Harv. L. Rev. 417, 457–65 (2017).Show More Still others have criticized the federal courts for insulating certain forms of structural inequality in American society and have called for a reorientation of public law scholarship toward “institutional reform and democratic action.”30 30.Jedediah Britton-Purdy, David Singh Grewal, Amy Kapczynksi & K. Sabeel Rahman, Building a Law-and-Political-Economy Framework: Beyond the Twentieth-Century Synthesis, 129 Yale L.J. 1784, 1807, 1829 (2020).Show More Many of these proposals borrow overtly or implicitly from theories of judicial minimalism—for instance, institutionalizing a norm of deference to the political branches through supermajority voting requirements or limiting courts’ jurisdiction and remedial powers.31 31.See, e.g., Ryan D. Doerfler & Samuel Moyn, Democratizing the Supreme Court, 109 Calif. L. Rev. 1703, 1727 (2021) (proposing that a supermajority of Justices be required to strike down federal legislation); Howard M. Wasserman, Congress and Universal Injunctions, 2021 Cardozo L. Rev. De Novo 187, 192–201 (discussing various proposals to reform nationwide or “universal” injunctions in Congress); cf. K. Sabeel Rahman, Constitutional Law 101: A Primer for the Law and Political Economy Blog, LPE Project (Nov. 23, 2018), https://lpeproject.org/blog/constitutional-law-101-a-primer-for-the-law-and-political-econom​y-blog-3/ [https://perma.cc/UK7N-BSVU] (“[V]iewed from a political economic lens, the battle for inclusion may sometimes involve judicial intervention, and other times involve judicial minimalism.”).Show More More broadly, these controversies about the judicial power confirm the growing need for public law theorists to grapple with lower courts, who define, as a practical matter, the meaning of federal law for so many people.32 32.See supranotes 10, 24. Indeed, it is even possible that lower court reform could achieve some of the same ends as “packing” the Supreme Court. See McNollgast, Politics and the Courts: A Positive Theory of Judicial Doctrine and the Rule of Law, 68 S. Cal. L. Rev. 1631, 1634 (1995) (“[U]nder the appropriate circumstances, expansion of the lower judiciary can have the same effect on judicial doctrine as packing the Supreme Court.”).Show More

This Article has three Parts. Judicial minimalism is a woolly concept that is often invoked to mean different and even contradictory things. Part I offers a novel typology of judicial minimalisms to set the analytical table for the rest of the discussion. As a preview, judicial minimalism has three core senses: first, decisional minimalism, associated most closely with Professor Cass Sunstein,33 33.Cass R. Sunstein, One Case at a Time: Judicial Minimalism on the Supreme Court 3–6 (1999) [hereinafter Sunstein, One Case at a Time]; Cass R. Sunstein, Foreword: Leaving Things Undecided, 110 Harv. L. Rev. 4, 6–10 (1996) [hereinafter Sunstein, Leaving Things Undecided].Show More which counsels judges to decide cases on narrow and shallow grounds; second, prudential minimalism, associated most closely with Professor Alexander Bickel,34 34.Alexander M. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch: The Supreme Court at the Bar of Politics 111–98 (1962) [hereinafter Bickel, Least Dangerous Branch]; Alexander M. Bickel, Foreword: The Passive Virtues, 75 Harv. L. Rev. 40, 47–51 (1961) [hereinafter Bickel, Passive Virtues].Show More which counsels judges to avail themselves of various techniques of not deciding cases (the so-called “passive virtues”) on grounds of prudence; and third, Thayerian minimalism, associated originally with Professor James Bradley Thayer,35 35.James B. Thayer, The Origin and Scope of the American Doctrine of Constitutional Law, 7 Harv. L. Rev. 129, 144 (1893).Show More which counsels judges to refrain from invalidating the actions of the political branches except in cases of clear illegality. My focus in this Article is decisional minimalism, but I define the other two forms and consider their applications in lower courts too.

Equipped with this taxonomy, Part II surveys several key institutional features of lower federal courts that distinguish them from the Supreme Court and evaluates how these features might affect the proper judicial role.36 36.This Article is confined to the federal district courts and courts of appeals. There is much greater institutional variety among state courts than there is among lower federal courts, and that variety would have to inform any analysis of minimalism in those venues. Judicial elections, in particular, would affect the democracy-based justifications for minimalism. See Pozen, supranote 23, at 2052 (“Elected judges . . . might claim a special license to incorporate public opinion into their decisional process, to engage in majoritarian review.”); Pamela K. Bookman & Colleen F. Shanahan, A Tale of Two Civil Procedures, 122 Colum. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2022) (manuscript at 5–14), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstra​ct_id=4016573 [https://perma.cc/WWC6-P82S] (laying out similarities and differences between state and federal courts). Nor will I discuss minimalism for so-called “Article I” judges or administrative agencies. See Laura K. Donohue & Jeremy McCabe, Federal Courts: Art. III(1), Art. I(8), Art. IV(3)(2), Art. II(2)/I(8)(3), and Art. II(1) Adjudication, 71 Cath. U. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2022) (manuscript at 3–5), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abst​ract_id=3825670 [https://perma.cc/4ZVH-XHJY] (discussing the full range of congressionally created courts); Charles F. Sabel & William H. Simon, Minimalism and Experimentalism in the Administrative State, 100 Geo. L.J. 53, 56–77 (2011) (discussing a form of “minimalism” in agency policymaking).Show More The variables include docket size and judicial workload, the operative rules of stare decisis, the assignment of judges, the methods of case selection, and the processes of judicial appointment. I argue that the differences between lower courts and the Supreme Court along these lines make judicial minimalism in most of its forms a more compelling ideal in the lower courts.37 37.My focus is public law cases, particularly constitutional and administrative law. See Hanoch Dagan & Benjamin C. Zipursky, Introduction: The Distinction Between Private Law and Public Law, in Research Handbook on Private Law Theory1, 3 (Benjamin C. Zipursky & Hanoch Dagan eds., 2020). Private law in lower federal courts is complicated by Erie Railroad Co. v. Tompkins and the frequent primacy of state law. See 304 U.S. 64, 78 (1938). That said, decisional minimalism is a framework that is potentially applicable in any case, and this Article may very well have implications for federalized areas of private law like intellectual property, antitrust, or labor law. Cf.Shyamkrishna Balganesh, The Pragmatic Incrementalism of Common Law Intellectual Property, 63 Vand. L. Rev. 1543, 1564–67 (2010) (defending a minimalist approach to intellectual property disputes). But my normative prescriptions will probably have the most bite in prominent public law cases because that is where non-minimalist decisions will be rewarded most in our current partisan ecosystem. See infranotes 42, 375.Show More The differences also reveal that decisional minimalism is in deep tension with the institutional logic of the Supreme Court in its present form. The Court’s near-total control over its agenda, its own stated criteria for granting certiorari, its limited case load, and its structural role as a superintendent of federal law through rare and episodic interventions all make the modern Court, in an important sense, an inherently anti-minimalist institution.38 38.SeeFrederick Schauer, Abandoning the Guidance Function: Morse v Frederick, 2007 Sup. Ct. Rev. 205, 207–08 (criticizing decisional minimalism for undermining the Court’s “guidance function” in light of its limited case load); Tara Leigh Grove, The Structural Case for Vertical Maximalism, 95 Cornell L. Rev. 1, 3 (2009) (arguing that minimalism is in tension with the Constitution, which makes the Supreme Court “supreme” in defining the content of federal law). On the Supreme Court’s extensive powers of agenda control, see Henry Paul Monaghan, On Avoiding Avoidance, Agenda Control, and Related Matters, 112 Colum. L. Rev.665, 683–711 (2012).Show More

Part III considers how judicial minimalism might be inculcated in lower courts. I begin with the need to develop a distinctive concept of role fidelity for lower court judges fitted to their institutional situation. “Role fidelity” refers to the ways that a judge’s socially conditioned understanding of her role affects the way she fulfills that role.39 39.The concept of judicial “role fidelity” was pioneered by Professor Robert Cover in his study of anti-slavery judges before the Civil War. SeeCover, supranote 2, at 7, 192–93; see also Pozen, supranote 23, at 2084 (defining “role fidelity”).Show More One consequence of the Supreme Court fixation of so much public law scholarship (and pedagogy) is that it tends to flatten concepts of judicial role fidelity.40 40.SeeBarrett, supra note 19, at 352 (“We tend to take a one-size-fits-all approach to federal court decision-making, assuming that the same interpretive practices should apply throughout the federal courts.”).Show More A lower court judge is implicitly encouraged to act like a mini-Justice. But ideals of judicial craft should not be flat.41 41.Pozen, supranote 23, at 2084 (noting the view that “there is no global ideal of judicial craft that exists independent of judicial structure”); Coenen & Davis, supranote 21, at 783 (arguing in favor of “assigning to different types of federal courts differentiated approaches to reviewing government action”) (italicization omitted).Show More And an important element of “role fidelity” for a lower court judge—that can be given life through doctrine, commentary, and the appointment process—is judicial minimalism.

Urging judges to be more minimalist is unlikely to be enough, however, because the current political climate and structure of the lower federal judiciary at times enable and even incentivize non-minimalist behavior by motivated judges.42 42.Professor Suzanna Sherry has observed that Supreme Court Justices increasingly seem to “seek[] the approval of [their] own ideologically-polarized in-group” and that “[j]udicial polarization becomes a larger problem when coupled with the modern trend of declining institutional loyalty.” Suzanna Sherry, Our Kardashian Court (and How to Fix It), 106 Iowa L. Rev. 181, 191–92 (2020). Some recent instances of lower court maximalism suggest that similar forces may be seeping into all levels of the federal judiciary. Cf. Neal Devins & Allison Orr Larsen, Weaponizing En Banc, 96 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1373, 1437 (2021) (documenting a “dramatic spike in partisan en banc decision-making” in the courts of appeals and suggesting that there “are significant red flags to indicate that longstanding rule-of-law and collegiality norms on the federal bench are eroding”). One virtue of lower court minimalism is that it insists on a kind of judicial craft and humility that could resist the encroachments of polarization in the lower federal judiciary. SeeFrederick Schauer,Incentives, Reputation, and the Inglorious Determinants of Judicial Behavior, 68 U. Cin. L. Rev. 615, 631 (2000) (suggesting that, at least twenty years ago, “prose and craft” might have been more important “determinants of reputation” for lower court judges than substantive outcomes, in contrast to Supreme Court Justices).Show More As a result, some structural reform is also important. I suggest reforming case-assignment rules, requiring the concurrence of more than one judge for nationwide injunctions, and, for reasons that are not entirely intuitive but that I will explain below, expanding the size of the federal bench. This may sound like an ambitious program. But, given that structural reform of the judiciary is on the table right now in a way that it has not been for generations, there is reason to be hopeful.

  1. U.S. Const. art. III, § 1.
  2. Henry P. Monaghan, Jurisdiction Stripping Circa 2020: What The Dialogue (Still) Has To Teach Us, 69 Duke L.J. 1, 32 (2019). The present salience of lower federal courts may not be historically unprecedented. One thinks, for instance, of the lower courts as a focal point in the fight over federalism in the early Republic, Alison L. LaCroix, The Ideological Origins of American Federalism 179 (2010); of lower court enforcement of the fugitive slave laws, Robert Cover, Justice Accused: Antislavery and the Judicial Process 159–74 (1975); or of lower courts issuing injunctions against organized labor in the Progressive Era, William E. Forbath, The Shaping of the American Labor Movement, 102 Harv. L. Rev. 1109, 1148–65 (1989).
  3. See Bert I. Huang, Judicial Credibility, 61 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1053, 1060 (2020) (noting that the Trump era was “a political moment when numerous government actions [were] being blocked by the lower federal courts”); Fred Barbash, Deanna Paul, Brittany Renee Mayes & Danielle Rindler, Federal Courts Have Ruled Against Trump Administration Policies at Least 70 Times, Wash. Post (Apr. 26, 2019), https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphi​cs/2019/politic​s/trump-overruled/ [https://perma.cc/MR8E-WMTX] (“All administrations lose cases, but experts cannot recall so many losses in such a short time.”); Ian Millhiser, Just How Much Is Trump’s Judiciary Sabotaging the Biden Presidency?, Vox (Dec. 27, 2021) (on file with editors), https://www.​vox.com/22820378/trump-biden-supreme-court-judiciary-sabotage.
  4. E.g., Michael D. Shear, Stacy Cowley & Alan Rappeport, Biden’s Efforts at Race Equity Run into Snags, N.Y. Times
    ,

    June 27, 2021, at A1; Alexander Burns, Federal Judge Blocks New Ban on Travel to U.S., N.Y. Times

    ,

    Mar. 16, 2017, at A1. I represented the plaintiffs in the second of these cases, culminating in Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392 (2018). The views expressed in this Article are my own.

  5. See, e.g., Fulton v. City of Philadelphia, 141 S. Ct. 1868, 1881 (2021) (ruling on narrow, case-specific grounds); id. at 1883 (Barrett, J., concurring) (defending this narrow disposition); id. at 1887–88 (Alito, J., concurring in the judgment) (criticizing the majority’s narrow disposition). I represented the City of Philadelphia in the Supreme Court in Fulton. Again, the positions taken here are mine.
  6. See infra Part I.
  7. E.g., David Cole, Surprising Consensus at the Supreme Court, N.Y. Rev. of Books (July 7, 2021), https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2021/08/19/surprising-consensus-at-the-supreme​-court/ [https://perma.cc/2VZH-9GDU] (discussing “minimalism” in the Supreme Court’s recently concluded Term); Jay Michaelson, Your Father’s Supreme Court, Intelligencer, N.Y. Mag. (July 3, 2021) (on file with editors), https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2021/07/your-fathers-supreme-court.ht​ml (same).
  8. Jonathan T. Molot, Principled Minimalism: Restriking the Balance Between Judicial Minimalism and Neutral Principles, 90 Va. L. Rev. 1753, 1776 (2004); Neal Devins, Rethinking Judicial Minimalism: Abortion Politics, Party Polarization, and the Consequences of Returning the Constitution to Elected Government, 69 Vand. L. Rev. 935, 938–39 (2016) (“Minimalism remains vibrant and is almost certainly the most important contemporary constitutional theory that formally takes into account the dynamic between the Supreme Court and elected government.”).
  9. See infra Part I.
  10. See Stephen G. Breyer, Reflections on the Role of Appellate Courts: A View from the Supreme Court, 8 J. App. Prac. & Process 91, 93 (2006) (noting that “the eighty cases that the Supreme Court hears annually represent the small tip of a vast iceberg” and that “most determinative legal interpretations occur instead in the federal courts of appeals, in the state supreme courts, and in state appellate courts”); Sanford Levinson, On Positivism and Potted Plants: Inferior Judges and the Task of Constitutional Interpretation, 25 Conn. L. Rev. 843, 844 (1993) (“The behavior of the roughly 100 circuit judges and 500 district judges is, for most citizens most of the time, far more likely to count as ‘the law’ than the pronouncements of the nine denizens of the Supreme Court . . . .”).
  11. See supra note 2.
  12. See, e.g., Perry Bacon Jr., The Most Dangerous Conservative Judges Aren’t on the Supreme Court, Wash. Post (Dec. 21, 2021), https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/20​21/​12/21/most-dangerous-conservative-judges-arent-supreme-court/ [https://perma.cc/J4KJ-VZ​TH].
  13. See Edward A. Purcell, Jr., Reconsidering the Frankfurterian Paradigm: Reflections on Histories of Lower Federal Courts, 24 Law & Soc. Inquiry 679, 681 (1999) (“Our excessive focus on the Supreme Court . . . has over the years minimized and obscured large areas of American experience . . . .”); Evan H. Caminker, Precedent and Prediction: The Forward-Looking Aspects of Inferior Court Decisionmaking, 73 Tex. L. Rev. 1, 4 (1994) (“[W]hile numerous scholars have comprehensively explored the nature and function of judicial law declaration from the perspective of the Supreme Court or a hypothetical single-judge judiciary, few have considered the view from below and the interaction between subordinacy and function.”).
  14. See Cass R. Sunstein & Adrian Vermeule, Interpretation and Institutions, 101 Mich. L. Rev. 885, 920–22 (2003). Of course, at a high level of generality, legal scholarship had been preoccupied with institutional questions since at least the legal process school, see Edward L. Rubin, The New Legal Process, The Synthesis of Discourse, and the Microanalysis of Institutions, 109 Harv. L. Rev. 1393, 1396 (1996), but Professors Sunstein and Vermeule called for a more rigorously empirical and less stylized approach to institutional analysis. Sunstein & Vermeule, supra, at 897–913.
  15. Sunstein & Vermeule, supra note 14, at 886.
  16. See Ryan C. Williams, Lower Court Originalism, 45 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 257 (2022).
  17. Katie Eyer, Lower Court Popular Constitutionalism, 123 Yale L.J. Online 197, 215–18 (2013).
  18. James J. Brudney & Lawrence Baum, Protean Statutory Interpretation in the Courts of Appeals, 58 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 681, 686 (2017); Aaron-Andrew P. Bruhl, Hierarchy and Heterogeneity: How to Read a Statute in a Lower Court, 97 Cornell L. Rev.

    433, 470–84 (2012).

  19. Amy Coney Barrett, Statutory Stare Decisis in the Courts of Appeals, 73 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 317, 318 (2005).
  20. Roger P. Alford, Lower Courts and Constitutional Comparativism, 77 Fordham L. Rev. 647, 656–64 (2008).
  21. Michael Coenen & Seth Davis, Minor Courts, Major Questions, 70 Vand. L. Rev. 777, 799–820 (2017) (arguing that the “major questions” exception to Chevron deference should not be applied in lower courts).
  22. Z. Payvand Ahdout, Enforcement Lawmaking and Judicial Review, 135 Harv. L. Rev. 937, 960–73 (2022) (evaluating lower courts’ use of case management techniques in recent separation-of-powers suits); Richard M. Re, Narrowing Supreme Court Precedent from Below, 104 Geo. L.J. 921, 925 (2016) (arguing that lower courts can legitimately “narrow” Supreme Court precedent in certain circumstances); Doni Gewirtzman, Lower Court Constitutionalism: Circuit Court Discretion in a Complex Adaptive System, 61 Am. U. L. Rev. 457, 506–09 (2012) (viewing lower court decision making through the lens of complexity theory). For a critique of the federal courts of appeals as they currently operate that blends historical, empirical, and normative strands, see generally William M. Richman & William L. Reynolds, Injustice on Appeal: The United States Courts of Appeals in Crisis (2013).
  23. See David E. Pozen, Judicial Elections as Popular Constitutionalism, 110 Colum. L. Rev. 2047, 2064–86 (2011) (exploring how judicial elections for state courts relate to theories of popular constitutionalism); Helen Hershkoff, State Courts and the “Passive Virtues”: Rethinking the Judicial Function, 114 Harv. L. Rev. 1833, 1842–76 (2001) (offering a comprehensive survey of justiciability doctrines in state courts); Hans A. Linde, E Pluribus—Constitutional Theory and State Courts, 18 Ga. L. Rev. 165, 166 (1984) (exploring the relationship between constitutional theory and “the world of the state courts”).
  24. In the 2020 Term, the Supreme Court issued only fifty-seven decisions in argued cases (and sixty-seven decisions including summary reversals and orders on the shadow docket). Stat Pack for the Supreme Court’s 2020–21 Term, SCOTUSBlog, https://www.scotusblog.co​m/statistics [https://perma.cc/SUY9-X5RD] (last visited May 20, 2022). The federal courts of appeals decide nearly fifty thousand cases per year. Admin. Off. of the U.S. Cts., Table B: U.S. Courts of Appeals––Cases Commenced, Terminated, and Pending During the 12-Month Periods Ending September 30, 2019 and 2020, at 1 (Sept. 30, 2020), https://www.uscourts.gov/sites​/default/files/data_tables/jb_b_0930.2020.pdf [https://perma.cc/U7M2-ESJB].
  25. See infra notes 98–103 and accompanying text.
  26. See Jonathan S. Gould & David E. Pozen, Structural Biases in Structural Constitutional Law, 97 N.Y.U. L. Rev. (manuscript at 20) (forthcoming 2022), https://papers.ss​rn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3797051 [https://perma.cc/56BE-6CKF] (noting the pro-Republican structural biases in our method for selecting judges); Joshua P. Zoffer & David Singh Grewal, The Counter-Majoritarian Difficulty of a Minoritarian Judiciary, 11 Calif. L. Rev. Online 437, 454–62 (2020) (documenting the rise of federal judges appointed by Presidents and Senators representing a minority of the populace and the resulting legitimacy crisis in the federal judiciary).
  27. See generally Presidential Comm’n on the Sup. Ct. of the U.S., Final Report

    (2021), https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/SCOTUS-Report-Final-12.8.21-1.​pdf [https://perma.cc/K69J-T2C8] (summarizing and assessing potential Supreme Court reforms).

  28. Michael D. Shear & Carl Hulse, Biden Orders Panel’s Review on Expanding Supreme Court, N.Y. Times, Apr. 10, 2021, at A13; cf. David E. Pozen, Self-Help and the Separation of Powers, 124 Yale L.J. 2, 34 (2014) (“‘Court packing’ is especially out of bounds.”).
  29. E.g., Samuel L. Bray, Multiple Chancellors: Reforming the National Injunction, 131 Harv. L. Rev. 417, 457–65 (2017).
  30. Jedediah Britton-Purdy, David Singh Grewal, Amy Kapczynksi & K. Sabeel Rahman, Building a Law-and-Political-Economy Framework: Beyond the Twentieth-Century Synthesis, 129 Yale L.J. 1784, 1807, 1829 (2020).
  31. See, e.g., Ryan D. Doerfler & Samuel Moyn, Democratizing the Supreme Court, 109 Calif. L. Rev. 1703, 1727 (2021) (proposing that a supermajority of Justices be required to strike down federal legislation); Howard M. Wasserman, Congress and Universal Injunctions, 2021 Cardozo L. Rev. De Novo 187, 192–201 (discussing various proposals to reform nationwide or “universal” injunctions in Congress); cf. K. Sabeel Rahman, Constitutional Law 101: A Primer for the Law and Political Economy Blog, LPE Project (Nov. 23, 2018), https://lpeproject.org/blog/constitutional-law-101-a-primer-for-the-law-and-political-econom​y-blog-3/ [https://perma.cc/UK7N-BSVU] (“[V]iewed from a political economic lens, the battle for inclusion may sometimes involve judicial intervention, and other times involve judicial minimalism.”).
  32. See supra notes 10, 24. Indeed, it is even possible that lower court reform could achieve some of the same ends as “packing” the Supreme Court. See McNollgast, Politics and the Courts: A Positive Theory of Judicial Doctrine and the Rule of Law, 68 S. Cal. L. Rev. 1631, 1634 (1995) (“[U]nder the appropriate circumstances, expansion of the lower judiciary can have the same effect on judicial doctrine as packing the Supreme Court.”).
  33. Cass R. Sunstein, One Case at a Time: Judicial Minimalism on the Supreme Court 3–6 (1999) [hereinafter Sunstein, One Case at a Time]; Cass R. Sunstein, Foreword: Leaving Things Undecided, 110 Harv. L. Rev. 4, 6–10 (1996) [hereinafter Sunstein, Leaving Things Undecided].
  34. Alexander M. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch: The Supreme Court at the Bar of Politics
    111–98

    (1962) [hereinafter Bickel, Least Dangerous Branch]; Alexander M. Bickel, Foreword: The Passive Virtues, 75 Harv. L. Rev. 40, 47–51 (1961) [hereinafter Bickel, Passive Virtues].

  35. James B. Thayer, The Origin and Scope of the American Doctrine of Constitutional Law, 7 Harv. L. Rev. 129, 144 (1893).
  36. This Article is confined to the federal district courts and courts of appeals. There is much greater institutional variety among state courts than there is among lower federal courts, and that variety would have to inform any analysis of minimalism in those venues. Judicial elections, in particular, would affect the democracy-based justifications for minimalism. See Pozen, supra note 23, at 2052 (“Elected judges . . . might claim a special license to incorporate public opinion into their decisional process, to engage in majoritarian review.”); Pamela K. Bookman & Colleen F. Shanahan, A Tale of Two Civil Procedures, 122 Colum. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2022) (manuscript at 5–14), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstra​ct_id=4016573 [https://perma.cc/WWC6-P82S] (laying out similarities and differences between state and federal courts). Nor will I discuss minimalism for so-called “Article I” judges or administrative agencies. See Laura K. Donohue & Jeremy McCabe, Federal Courts: Art. III(1), Art. I(8), Art. IV(3)(2), Art. II(2)/I(8)(3), and Art. II(1) Adjudication, 71 Cath. U. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2022) (manuscript at 3–5), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abst​ract_id=3825670 [https://perma.cc/4ZVH-XHJY] (discussing the full range of congressionally created courts); Charles F. Sabel & William H. Simon, Minimalism and Experimentalism in the Administrative State, 100 Geo. L.J. 53, 56–77 (2011) (discussing a form of “minimalism” in agency policymaking).
  37. My focus is public law cases, particularly constitutional and administrative law. See Hanoch Dagan & Benjamin C. Zipursky, Introduction: The Distinction Between Private Law and Public Law, in Research Handbook on Private Law Theory 1, 3 (Benjamin C. Zipursky & Hanoch Dagan eds., 2020). Private law in lower federal courts is complicated by Erie Railroad Co. v. Tompkins and the frequent primacy of state law. See 304 U.S. 64, 78 (1938). That said, decisional minimalism is a framework that is potentially applicable in any case, and this Article may very well have implications for federalized areas of private law like intellectual property, antitrust, or labor law. Cf. Shyamkrishna Balganesh, The Pragmatic Incrementalism of Common Law Intellectual Property, 63 Vand. L. Rev. 1543, 1564–67 (2010) (defending a minimalist approach to intellectual property disputes). But my normative prescriptions will probably have the most bite in prominent public law cases because that is where non-minimalist decisions will be rewarded most in our current partisan ecosystem. See infra notes 42, 375.
  38. See Frederick Schauer, Abandoning the Guidance Function: Morse v Frederick, 2007 Sup. Ct. Rev. 205, 207–08 (criticizing decisional minimalism for undermining the Court’s “guidance function” in light of its limited case load); Tara Leigh Grove, The Structural Case for Vertical Maximalism, 95 Cornell L. Rev. 1, 3 (2009) (arguing that minimalism is in tension with the Constitution, which makes the Supreme Court “supreme” in defining the content of federal law). On the Supreme Court’s extensive powers of agenda control, see Henry Paul Monaghan, On Avoiding Avoidance, Agenda Control, and Related Matters, 112 Colum. L. Rev.

    665, 683–711 (2012).

  39. The concept of judicial “role fidelity” was pioneered by Professor Robert Cover in his study of anti-slavery judges before the Civil War. See Cover, supra note 2, at 7, 192–93; see also Pozen, supra note 23, at 2084 (defining “role fidelity”).
  40. See Barrett, supra note 19, at 352 (“We tend to take a one-size-fits-all approach to federal court decision-making, assuming that the same interpretive practices should apply throughout the federal courts.”).
  41. Pozen, supra note 23, at 2084 (noting the view that “there is no global ideal of judicial craft that exists independent of judicial structure”); Coenen & Davis, supra note 21, at 783 (arguing in favor of “assigning to different types of federal courts differentiated approaches to reviewing government action”) (italicization omitted).
  42. Professor Suzanna Sherry has observed that Supreme Court Justices increasingly seem to “seek[] the approval of [their] own ideologically-polarized in-group” and that “[j]udicial polarization becomes a larger problem when coupled with the modern trend of declining institutional loyalty.” Suzanna Sherry, Our Kardashian Court (and How to Fix It), 106 Iowa L. Rev. 181, 191–92 (2020). Some recent instances of lower court maximalism suggest that similar forces may be seeping into all levels of the federal judiciary. Cf. Neal Devins & Allison Orr Larsen, Weaponizing En Banc, 96 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1373, 1437 (2021) (documenting a “dramatic spike in partisan en banc decision-making” in the courts of appeals and suggesting that there “are significant red flags to indicate that longstanding rule-of-law and collegiality norms on the federal bench are eroding”). One virtue of lower court minimalism is that it insists on a kind of judicial craft and humility that could resist the encroachments of polarization in the lower federal judiciary. See Frederick Schauer, Incentives, Reputation, and the Inglorious Determinants of Judicial Behavior, 68 U. Cin. L. Rev. 615, 631 (2000) (suggesting that, at least twenty years ago, “prose and craft” might have been more important “determinants of reputation” for lower court judges than substantive outcomes, in contrast to Supreme Court Justices).

The post Judicial Minimalism in the Lower Courts first appeared on Virginia Law Review.

]]>
Transatlantic Perspectives on the Political Question Doctrine https://virginialawreview.org/articles/transatlantic-perspectives-political-question-doctrine/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=transatlantic-perspectives-political-question-doctrine Mon, 01 Jun 2020 20:32:40 +0000 https://virginialawreview.org/?post_type=articles&p=1877 On September 24, 2019, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (UKSC) unanimously invalidated U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s attempt to suspend (or “prorogue”) Parliament. The UKSC’s decision, R (Miller) v. Prime Minister (Miller/Cherry), was a political thunderclap, contributing to the U.K.’s political turmoil over its exit from the European Union, or “Brexit.” But theRead More »

The post Transatlantic Perspectives on the Political Question Doctrine first appeared on Virginia Law Review.

]]>
On September 24, 2019, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (UKSC) unanimously invalidated U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s attempt to suspend (or “prorogue”) Parliament. The UKSC’s decision, R (Miller) v. Prime Minister (Miller/Cherry), was a political thunderclap, contributing to the U.K.’s political turmoil over its exit from the European Union, or “Brexit.” But the legal crux of Miller/Cherry was justiciability: was the Prime Minister’s decision to prorogue parliament a non-justiciable political question? Despite this question’s centrality to the case, few commentators have analyzed the Miller/Cherry decision through the lens of the political question doctrine, an area of law held largely in common between the United States and the U.K. Likewise, scholarly analysis has failed to explore the striking contrast between Miller/Cherry and Rucho v. Common Cause, the U.S. Supreme Court’s most recent foray into the political question doctrine.

This Comment does both. Miller/Cherry adopted a narrow understanding of the political question doctrine and instead embraced a robust vision of judicial review which closely resembles that of famed mid-century law professor Herbert Wechsler. The U.S. Supreme Court’s recent decision in Rucho v. Common Cause, however, took the opposite approach. Where Miller/Cherry offered a full-throated Wechslerian defense of the judiciary’s obligation to police constitutional constraints, Rucho channeled Wechsler’s contemporary and frequent interlocutor Alexander Bickel. Holding that challenges to partisan gerrymandering are not justiciable, Rucho, following Bickel, emphasized institutional humility and the need for courts to act cautiously in light of the “counter-majoritarian difficulty.”

Miller/Cherry and Rucho thus continue the great debate between Wechsler and Bickel, offering contradictory answers to the same foundational questions. Read together, they present a fascinating and transatlantic juxtaposition, illuminating key questions about the political question doctrine, judicial review, and the proper role of the courts.

Introduction

On September 24, 2019, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (UKSC) issued its decision in R (Miller) v. Prime Minister (Miller/Cherry),1.R (Miller) v. Prime Minister (Miller/Cherry) [2019] UKSC 41 (appeals taken from Eng. & Scot.). The case goes by many names in its nascent scholarly treatment, including the delightful, if presumptuously historical, “Case of Prorogations.” E.g., Paul Daly, Talking About the Case of Prorogations,Admin. L. Matters (Sept. 27, 2019), https://www.administrativelawmatters.com/blog/2019/09/27/talking-about-the-case-of-prorogations/ [https://perma.cc/8U7K-JXL3]. In order to avoid confusion with the lower court decision also captioned R(Miller) v. Prime Minister, I will refer to the case as “Miller/Cherry”both in text and in citations.Show More and British politics turned on its head. In an understated oral announcement2.For the video of the announcement, see Supreme Court: Suspending Parliament Was Unlawful, Judges Rule,BBC News (Sept. 24, 2019), https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-49810261 [https://perma.cc/5UPG-EV35].Show More and an unadorned written opinion, a unanimous Court held that Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s five-week suspension of Parliament—in Parliamentary jargon, “prorogation”3.For more specifics on prorogation, see infra notes 22–24 and accompanying text.Show More—was unlawful and therefore void. The decision overturned the Prime Minister’s latest gambit in his duel with a recalcitrant House of Commons over “Brexit,” the U.K.’s planned exit from the European Union. Miller/Cherry was immediately controversial, prompting calls for the Prime Minister to resign,4.E.g., Karla Adam & William Booth, U.K. Supreme Court Rules Prime Minister Boris Johnson Suspended Parliament Illegally, Wash. Post (Sept. 24, 2019, 2:00 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/britains-supreme-court-set-to-rule-on-boris-johnsons-decision-to-suspend-parliament/2019/09/24/af719d70-dd9e-11e9-be7f-4cc85017c36f_story.html [https://perma.cc/U8EH-B29V].Show More jubilant declarations that the rule of law had been vindicated,5.See Owen Bowcott, Ben Quinn & Severin Carrell, Johnson’s Suspension of Parliament Unlawful, Supreme Court Rules, Guardian (Sept. 24, 2019), https://www.theguardian.com/­law/2019/sep/24/boris-johnsons-suspension-of-parliament-unlawful-supreme-court-rules-prorogue [https://perma.cc/9ED9-B9V2].Show More and accusations that the Court had perpetrated a “constitutional coup.”6.E.g.,Jonathan Ames & Chris Smyth, Supreme Court Ruling: Senior Judges Could Face US-Style Grillings, Times (Sept. 26, 2019), https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/supreme-court-ruling-senior-judges-could-face-us-style-grillings-mh22znd5j [https://perma.cc/G6TV-ASYF] (quoting prominent pro-Brexit MP Jacob Rees-Mogg).Show More

Although many British commentators have analyzed and criticized Miller/Cherry since its decision,7.Perhaps most notable was a vehement and extensive criticism published only four days after the decision by John Finnis, a professor at Oxford and the former doctoral advisor to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch. SeeJohn Finnis, Pol’y Exchange, The Unconstitutionality of the Supreme Court’s Prorogation Judgment (Sept. 28, 2019), https://policyexchange.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/The-unconstitutionality-of-the-Supreme-Courts-prorogation-judgment.pdf [https://perma.cc/9RS4-FGFU]. Other critics of varying degrees of vehemence abound in Anglophone academic circles. E.g., Martin Loughlin, Pol’y Exchange, The Case of Prorogation (Oct. 15, 2019), https://policyexchange.org.uk/publication/the-case-of-prorogation/ [https://perma.cc/9E8D-FXC9]; Steven Spadijer, Miller No 2: Orthodoxy as Heresy, Heresy as Orthodoxy, UK Const. L. Ass’n: Blog (Oct. 7, 2019), https://ukconstitutionallaw.org/2019/10/07/steven-spadijer-miller-no-2-orthodoxy-as-hersey-hersey-as-orthodoxy/ [https://perma.cc/DQ2T-W­2RY]; Paul Yowell, Is Miller (No 2) the UK’s Bush v Gore?, UK Const. L. Ass’n: Blog (Oct. 7, 2019), https://ukconstitutionallaw.org/2019/10/07/paul-yowell-is-miller-no-2-the-uks-bu­sh-v-gore/ [https://perma.cc/A8GJ-ZZWN].The decision has also had its defenders. E.g., Nick Barber, Constitutional Hardball and Justified Development of the Law, Jud. Power Project (Sept. 29, 2019), https://judicialpowerproject.org.uk/nick-barber-constitutional-hardball-and-justified-development-of-the-law/ [https://perma.cc/Z3FH-2NV2]; Alison Young, Deftly Guarding the Constitution, Jud. Power Project (Sept. 29, 2019), https://judicialpowerproject.org.uk/­alison-young-deftly-guarding-the-constitution/ [https://perma.cc/R6JP-Z4J3] (arguing that Miller/Cherry “demonstrates a delicate balance between law and politics, affirming the Supreme Court’s role as the guardian of the UK’s constitution”). For a more extensive list of pieces commenting on Miller/Cherry, see Paul Craig, The Supreme Court, Prorogation and Constitutional Principle, Pub. L. (forthcoming) (manuscript at 1–2 nn.4–8), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3477487 [https://perma.cc/Y6ZR-PB­XD].Show More the case has not received sustained or detailed attention on this side of the Atlantic.8.One exception is Sam Shirazi, The U.K.’s Marbury v. Madison: The Prorogation Case and How Courts Can Protect Democracy, 2019 U. Ill. L. Rev. Online 108. Shirazi compares and contrasts Miller/Cherry with Marbury v. Madison and more generally focuses on the salutary role of judicial review in constitutional systems. Id. Shirazi spends little time discussing Miller/Cherry in the context of the political question doctrine, see id. at 113, and only fleetingly connects it to Rucho v. Common Cause, see id. at 118 n.79. See also Gerard N. Magliocca, Judicial Review Comes to Britain, Balkinization (Sept. 24, 2019), https://balkin.blogspot.com/2019/09/judicial-review-comes-to-britain.html [https://perma.cc­/5HUQ-8ZBB] (providing brief summary of Miller/Cherry by an American law professor).Show More This lack of American attention is regrettable. Miller/Cherry holds important lessons for the American lawyer, especially through its striking contrast with recent decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court.

Although nominally about the Prime Minister’s prorogation of Parliament, Miller/Cherry was really about justiciability: could (or should) the Court decide the case in the first place? The UKSC’s answer to this question not only took sides in a long-standing debate about the proper role for courts in reviewing government action—it also did so in a way directly contrary to the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision three months prior in Rucho v. Common Cause. Whereas Miller/Cherry endorsed a robust judicial role and a correspondingly narrow political question doctrine—a perspective associated with famed mid-century academic Herbert Wechsler—Rucho emphasized constraint on judicial discretion and expressed a concern for institutional legitimacy, two hallmarks of the approach of Professor Alexander Bickel.

Although decided on different sides of the Atlantic, these two cases are fundamentally about the same issue.9.There are undoubtedly differences between the broader legal regimes of Britain and the United States which affect how courts in each country think about justiciability. For instance, Britain’s lack of a written constitution means that British courts, unlike American courts, generally would not look to constitutional text as a constraint on judicial discretion. Cf.infranotes 104–08 and accompanying text (discussing this American tendency). This Comment does not—and does not need to—argue that the justiciability inquiry in the two nations is identical. Rather, because the political question doctrine’s basic argumentative contours are shared between the two nations, see infra Section I.B, Miller/Cherry and Ruchocan fruitfully be read together.Show More Far from merely being a curious case from a foreign jurisdiction, Miller/Cherry lays bare the tensions inherent in the political question doctrine and in judicial review more broadly. Especially through its juxtaposition with Rucho v. Common Cause, Miller/Cherry provides an important perspective on judicial review and the judicial office in a time of heightened attention to the proper role of the courts.

  1. * J.D., University of Virginia School of Law, 2020; M.A. (History), University of Virginia, 2020. My thanks to Charles Barzun, Justin Aimonetti, Clay Phillips, and especially Hanaa Khan for offering helpful thoughts on previous drafts of this Comment; to Ray Gans, Andrew Kintner, and everyone else at the Virginia Law Review who helped edit and publish it; and to my fiancée Madeline Roth for her constant and loving support.
  2. R (Miller) v. Prime Minister (Miller/Cherry) [2019] UKSC 41 (appeals taken from Eng. & Scot.). The case goes by many names in its nascent scholarly treatment, including
    the delightful, if presumptuously historical, “Case of Prorogations.” E.g., Paul Daly,
    Talking About the Case of Prorogations, Admin. L. Matters (Sept. 27, 2019), https://www.administrativelawmatters.com/blog/2019/09/27/talking-about-the-case-of-prorogations/ [https://perma.cc/8U7K-JXL3]. In order to avoid confusion with the lower court decision also captioned R(Miller) v. Prime Minister, I will refer to the case as “Miller/Cherry” both in text and in citations.
  3. For the video of the announcement, see Supreme Court: Suspending Parliament Was Unlawful, Judges Rule, BBC News (Sept. 24, 2019), https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-49810261 [https://perma.cc/5UPG-EV35].
  4. For more specifics on prorogation, see infra notes 22–24 and accompanying text.
  5. E.g., Karla Adam & William Booth, U.K. Supreme Court Rules Prime Minister Boris Johnson Suspended Parliament Illegally, Wash. Post (Sept. 24, 2019, 2:00 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/britains-supreme-court-set-to-rule-on-boris-johnsons-decision-to-suspend-parliament/2019/09/24/af719d70-dd9e-11e9-be7f-4cc85017c36f_story.html [https://perma.cc/U8EH-B29V].
  6. See Owen Bowcott, Ben Quinn & Severin Carrell, Johnson’s Suspension of Parliament Unlawful, Supreme Court Rules, Guardian (Sept. 24, 2019), https://www.theguardian.com/­law/2019/sep/24/boris-johnsons-suspension-of-parliament-unlawful-supreme-court-rules-prorogue [https://perma.cc/9ED9-B9V2].
  7. E.g., Jonathan Ames & Chris Smyth, Supreme Court Ruling: Senior Judges Could Face US-Style Grillings, Times (Sept. 26, 2019), https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/supreme-court-ruling-senior-judges-could-face-us-style-grillings-mh22znd5j [https://perma.cc/G6TV-ASYF] (quoting prominent pro-Brexit MP Jacob Rees-Mogg).
  8. Perhaps most notable was a vehement and extensive criticism published only four days after the decision by John Finnis, a professor at Oxford and the former doctoral advisor to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch. See John Finnis, Pol’y Exchange, The Unconstitutionality of the Supreme Court’s Prorogation Judgment (Sept. 28, 2019), https://policyexchange.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/The-unconstitutionality-of-the-Supreme-Courts-prorogation-judgment.pdf [https://perma.cc/9RS4-FGFU]. Other critics of varying degrees of vehemence abound in Anglophone academic circles. E.g., Martin Loughlin, Pol’y Exchange, The Case of Prorogation (Oct. 15, 2019), https://policyexchange.org.uk/publication/the-case-of-prorogation/ [https://perma.cc/9E8D-FXC9]; Steven Spadijer, Miller No 2: Orthodoxy as Heresy, Heresy as Orthodoxy, UK Const. L. Ass’n: Blog (Oct. 7, 2019), https://ukconstitutionallaw.org/2019/10/07/steven-
    spadijer-miller-no-2-orthodoxy-as-hersey-hersey-as-orthodoxy/ [https://perma.cc/DQ2T-W­2RY]; Paul Yowell, Is Miller (No 2) the UK’s Bush v Gore?, UK Const. L. Ass’n: Blog (Oct. 7, 2019), https://ukconstitutionallaw.org/2019/10/07/paul-yowell-is-miller-no-2-the-uks-bu­sh-v-gore/ [https://perma.cc/A8GJ-ZZWN].

    The decision has also had its defenders. E.g., Nick Barber, Constitutional Hardball and Justified Development of the Law, Jud. Power Project (Sept. 29, 2019), https://judicialpowerproject.org.uk/nick-barber-constitutional-hardball-and-justified-development-of-the-law/ [https://perma.cc/Z3FH-2NV2]; Alison Young, Deftly Guarding the Constitution, Jud. Power Project (Sept. 29, 2019), https://judicialpowerproject.org.uk/­alison-young-deftly-guarding-the-constitution/ [https://perma.cc/R6JP-Z4J3] (arguing that Miller/Cherry “demonstrates a delicate balance between law and politics, affirming the Supreme Court’s role as the guardian of the UK’s constitution”). For a more extensive list of pieces commenting on Miller/Cherry, see Paul Craig, The Supreme Court, Prorogation
    and Constitutional Principle, Pub. L. (forthcoming) (manuscript at 1–2 nn.4–8), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3477487 [https://perma.cc/Y6ZR-PB­XD].

  9. One exception is Sam Shirazi, The U.K.’s Marbury v. Madison: The Prorogation Case and How Courts Can Protect Democracy, 2019 U. Ill. L. Rev. Online 108. Shirazi compares and contrasts Miller/Cherry with Marbury v. Madison and more generally focuses on the salutary role of judicial review in constitutional systems. Id. Shirazi spends little time discussing Miller/Cherry in the context of the political question doctrine, see id. at 113, and only fleetingly connects it to Rucho v. Common Cause, see id. at 118 n.79. See also Gerard N. Magliocca, Judicial Review Comes to Britain, Balkinization (Sept. 24, 2019), https://balkin.blogspot.com/2019/09/judicial-review-comes-to-britain.html [https://perma.cc­/5HUQ-8ZBB] (providing brief summary of Miller/Cherry by an American law professor).
  10. There are undoubtedly differences between the broader legal regimes of Britain and the United States which affect how courts in each country think about justiciability. For instance, Britain’s lack of a written constitution means that British courts, unlike American courts, generally would not look to constitutional text as a constraint on judicial discretion. Cf. infra notes 104–08 and accompanying text (discussing this American tendency). This Comment does not—and does not need to—argue that the justiciability inquiry in the two nations is identical. Rather, because the political question doctrine’s basic argumentative contours are shared between the two nations, see infra Section I.B, Miller/Cherry and Rucho can fruitfully be read together.

The post Transatlantic Perspectives on the Political Question Doctrine first appeared on Virginia Law Review.

]]>
Colorado River Abstention: A Practical Reassessment https://virginialawreview.org/articles/colorado-river-abstention-practical-reassessment/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=colorado-river-abstention-practical-reassessment Sun, 01 Mar 2020 08:03:21 +0000 https://virginialawreview.org/?post_type=articles&p=1846 When duplicative civil suits proceed simultaneously in both state and federal court, a waste of resources is bound to occur. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court has maintained that federal courts must typically retain jurisdiction over such concurrent litigation. Under the Colorado River abstention doctrine, only “exceptional circumstances,” beyond the mere pendency of a parallel state case,Read More »

The post Colorado River Abstention: A Practical Reassessment first appeared on Virginia Law Review.

]]>
When duplicative civil suits proceed simultaneously in both state and federal court, a waste of resources is bound to occur. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court has maintained that federal courts must typically retain jurisdiction over such concurrent litigation. Under the Colorado River abstention doctrine, only “exceptional circumstances,” beyond the mere pendency of a parallel state case, will permit a federal court to relinquish jurisdiction in favor of the state action. How have the lower federal courts responded to this mandate to take jurisdiction, given the inherent waste and confusion engendered by concurrent litigation? And is there a more coherent and efficient way to manage this symptom of our dual federal-state court system? This Note seeks to answer these questions by focusing on the practical application of Colorado River “on the ground” in the lower courts, a subject largely unexplored by the otherwise voluminous scholarship on federal abstention.

By surveying decades of cases involving Colorado River abstention in two federal courts of appeals and two district courts, this Note reaches a startling conclusion. Driven by a lack of guidance from the U.S. Supreme Court and a desire to rid their dockets of duplicative suits, the lower courts have taken wildly divergent approaches to Colorado River. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals, for example, has applied the doctrine rigidly, demanding that district courts retain jurisdiction in all but the most exceptional circumstances. Under pressure from this circuit precedent, judges in the Southern District of New York have frequently sought to “effectively” abstain via alternative means, simultaneously relinquishing federal jurisdiction and frustrating appellate review. When they instead attempt to proceed to judgement rather than effectively abstain, the result is typically (and unsurprisingly) a significant waste of judicial resources. On the other hand, the Seventh Circuit has taken a highly permissive view of Colorado River abstention, watering down the otherwise restrictive doctrine. Judges in the Northern District of Illinois have taken up this view with alacrity, abstaining pursuant to Colorado River in the vast majority of cases involving parallel state litigation, subject only to limited and deferential appellate review.

This inconsistent doctrinal development could hardly be described as desirable—a combination of informal abstention and judicial waste in the Second Circuit compared with virtually unfettered discretion to formally abstain in the Seventh Circuit. Thus, this Note concludes with a comprehensive proposal to bring greater structure and coherency to the doctrine while avoiding both of these negative results.

If you can think of a subject which is interrelated and inextricably combined with another subject, without knowing anything about or giving any consideration to the second subject, then you have a legal mind.1.Thurman Arnold, Fair Fights and Foul: A Dissenting Lawyer’s Life 20–21 (1965) (quoting Professor Thomas Reed Powell).Show More

Introduction

Of the numerous complexities inherent in the United States’ dual federal-state court system, the potential for concurrent litigation is one of the most anomalous and vexing. Concurrent litigation, as it will be discussed in this Note, occurs when adverse parties simultaneously litigate the same or similar claims in both federal and state court.2.See Josue Caballero, Note, Colorado River Abstention Doctrine in the Fifth Circuit: The Exceptional Circumstances of a Likely Reversal, 64 Baylor L. Rev. 277, 279–80 (2012) (describing this phenomenon in the state-federal context). Concurrent litigation can also arise between two federal courts, two state courts, or even within a single state court system. Allan D. Vestal, Repetitive Litigation, 45 Iowa L. Rev. 525, 525 (1960) [hereinafter Vestal, Repetitive Litigation]. These other forms of concurrent litigation are beyond the scope of this Note.Show More Because the subject-matter jurisdictions of these dual judicial systems are largely concurrent,3.Charles Dowd Box Co. v. Courtney, 368 U.S. 502, 507–08 (1962) (citing Clafin v. Houseman, 93 U.S. 130, 136 (1876)); Martin H. Redish, Intersystemic Redundancy and Federal Court Power: Proposing a Zero Tolerance Solution to the Duplicative Litigation Problem, 75 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1347, 1350 (2000) [hereinafter Redish, Intersystemic Redundancy].Show More this phenomenon is not uncommon. Though seemingly at odds with the U.S. Supreme Court’s insistence that the state and federal courts “are not foreign to each other, nor to be treated by each other as such, but as courts of the same country,”4.Howlett v. Rose, 496 U.S. 356, 367 (1990) (quoting Clafin, 93 U.S. at 137).Show More parallel state-federal litigation is nonetheless permitted, and duplicative cases are generally allowed to proceed in both courts simultaneously.5.Colo. River Water Conservation Dist. v. United States, 424 U.S. 800, 817 (1976) (“Generally, as between state and federal courts, the rule is that ‘the pendency of an action in the state court is no bar to proceedings concerning the same matter in the Federal court having jurisdiction . . . .’” (quoting McClellan v. Carland, 217 U.S. 268, 282 (1910))).Show More Notwithstanding the inherently wasteful nature of such litigation,6.James C. Rehnquist, Taking Comity Seriously: How to Neutralize the Abstention Doctrine, 46 Stan. L. Rev. 1049, 1064 (1994) (describing concurrent litigation as “patently wasteful”).Show More the ability of a federal court to decline jurisdiction over a case that is duplicative of an ongoing state proceeding is, at least in theory, extremely narrow.7.Colo. River, 424 U.S. at 817–19 (explaining that federal courts should only defer to concurrent state court proceedings in “exceptional” circumstances and that “[o]nly the clearest of justifications will warrant dismissal”).Show More

As courts of limited jurisdiction, the federal courts possess only the jurisdiction conferred by the Constitution and congressional statute.8.Kokkonen v. Guardian Life Ins. Co. of Am., 511 U.S. 375, 377 (1994).Show More While it is traditionally accepted that Congress retains plenary power to control the jurisdiction of the lower federal courts,9.Julian Velasco, Congressional Control over Federal Court Jurisdiction: A Defense of the Traditional View, 46 Cath. U. L. Rev. 671, 671–72 (1997) (“The orthodox view long has been that Congress possesses nearly plenary authority to restrict federal court jurisdiction.”). The canonical citation for that view (also known as the “traditional” view) is Sheldon v. Sill, 49 U.S. (8 How.) 441, 449 (1850). Velasco, supra, at 674–75.Show More whether those courts are required to exercise the jurisdiction given them is less certain.10 10.For examples of the differing views on this topic, compare Martin H. Redish, Abstention, Separation of Powers, and the Limits of the Judicial Function, 94 Yale L.J. 71 (1984) [hereinafter Redish, Separation of Powers] (arguing that federal courts have little discretion to decline jurisdiction conferred by Congress), with David L. Shapiro, Jurisdiction and Discretion, 60 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 543 (1985) (arguing for greater judicial discretion over jurisdiction).Show More Where state and federal courts enjoy overlapping jurisdiction, the answer to that question is governed partially by the abstention doctrines.11 11.See Leonard Birdsong, Comity and Our Federalism in the Twenty-First Century: The Abstention Doctrines Will Always Be with Us—Get Over It!!, 36 Creighton L. Rev. 375, 376 (2003).Show More Federal abstention law comprises a series of “judge-made” doctrines12 12.Zwickler v. Koota, 389 U.S. 241, 248 (1967); see also Amy Coney Barrett, Procedural Common Law, 94 Va. L. Rev. 813, 824–25 (2008) (describing the abstention doctrines as examples of federal common law).Show More that “identify the circumstances in which federal courts deem it appropriate to refrain from adjudicating a case to permit some other body—typically a state court—to adjudicate it first.”13 13.Barrett, supra note 12, at 824; see also Cty. of Allegheny v. Frank Mashuda Co., 360 U.S. 185, 188 (1959) (“The doctrine of abstention, under which a District Court may decline to exercise or postpone the exercise of its jurisdiction, is an extraordinary and narrow exception to the duty of a District Court to adjudicate a controversy properly before it.”).Show More

It is the most recently developed of these doctrines,14 14.The three earlier-developed abstention doctrines are also named after the cases in which they were first articulated. Pullman abstention, a relative of the doctrine of constitutional avoidance, governs situations in which a federal court can abstain to allow a state court to answer unsettled questions of state law that are relevant to the federal case and that may obviate the need to decide a difficult constitutional question. See R.R. Comm’n of Tex. v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. 496, 498 (1941). Burford abstention permits federal courts to decline jurisdiction to avoid disrupting a complex state regulatory scheme. See Burford v. Sun Oil Co., 319 U.S. 315, 332 (1943). Finally, Younger abstention prevents federal courts, absent a showing of bad faith or harassment, from enjoining ongoing state criminal or quasi-criminal proceedings. See Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37, 54 (1971).Show More known as Colorado River abstention, that governs a federal court’s limited ability to refrain from exercising jurisdiction over cases involving concurrent litigation.15 15.Colo. River Water Conservation Dist. v. United States, 424 U.S. 800, 817–19 (1976). Though the Supreme Court declined to describe the doctrine promulgated in Colorado River as a form of abstention, see id. at 817, there seems to be no principled basis for this distinction. Given that most lower court judges and several Supreme Court Justices have referred to the Colorado River doctrine as a version of abstention, for the sake of simplicity I will refer to it as such. See 17A Charles Alan Wright & Arthur R. Miller et al., Federal Practice and Procedure § 4247, at 471 nn.77–78 (3d ed. 2007) (collecting cases referring to the doctrine as Colorado River abstention).Show More As described by the Supreme Court in the eponymous case of Colorado River Water Conservation District v. United States,16 16.424 U.S. 800 (1976).Show More this doctrine is a carefully circumscribed exception to the “virtually unflagging obligation of the federal courts to exercise the jurisdiction given them.”17 17.Id. at 817.Show More The Court acknowledged that considerations of judicial economy and efficiency could indeed permit a federal court to decline jurisdiction in this context, but it emphasized that “the circumstances permitting the dismissal of a federal suit due to the presence of a concurrent state proceeding for reasons of wise judicial administration are considerably more limited than the circumstances appropriate for abstention” under the other abstention doctrines.18 18.Id. at 817–18. Note that declining jurisdiction in this context could constitute either a stay or dismissal of the federal case, because when a district court abstains pursuant to Colorado River it is assumed that there will be no further proceedings in the federal court except perhaps application of res judicata upon the state court’s resolution of the controversy. See Moses H. Cone Mem’l Hosp. v. Mercury Constr. Corp., 460 U.S. 1, 10 (1983).Show More

Since its promulgation in 1976, Colorado River abstention has been the subject of significant scholarly commentary, both favorable and critical.19 19.It would be both impossible and unproductive to attempt an exhaustive survey of the literature on Colorado River abstention here. For representative examples of generally positive commentary, see Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Why Abstention Is Not Illegitimate: An Essay on the Distinction Between “Legitimate” and “Illegitimate” Statutory Interpretation and Judicial Lawmaking, 107 Nw. U. L. Rev. 847 (2013); Gene R. Shreve, Pragmatism Without Politics—A Half Measure of Authority for Jurisdictional Common Law, 1991 BYU L. Rev. 767 (1991); Ann Althouse, The Humble and the Treasonous: Judge-Made Jurisdiction Law, 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 1035 (1989); Shapiro, supra note 10. For more critical views, see Martin H. Redish, Judge-Made Abstention and the Fashionable Art of “Democracy Bashing,” 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 1023 (1989) [hereinafter Redish, Judge-Made Abstention]; Donald L. Doernberg, “You Can Lead a Horse to Water . . .”: The Supreme Court’s Refusal to Allow the Exercise of Original Jurisdiction Conferred by Congress, 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 999 (1989); Linda S. Mullenix, A Branch Too Far: Pruning the Abstention Doctrine, 75 Geo. L.J. 99 (1986); Redish, Separation of Powers, supra note 10.Show More Though the academy has been quick to take sides on the propriety and usefulness of the doctrine, commentators have devoted scant attention to its function in practice. Most discussion of the topic has been theoretical, and there has been virtually no effort to systematically analyze how the doctrine is applied by the lower courts.20 20.Though a few such analyses have been undertaken, the vast majority considered the reaction of the lower courts in the immediate aftermath of the Court handing down Colorado River and hence are seriously outdated. See, e.g., Mullenix, supra note 19, at 128–49. For an example of a rare, recent attempt, see Caballero, supra note 2, at 277–79 (surveying cases in the Fifth Circuit and concluding that “[a] decision [by a district court] to abstain under Colorado River practically guarantees reversal” (footnote omitted)).Show More Without a picture of the practical import of Colorado River abstention, it is difficult to validate much of the scholarly commentary, both positive and negative. Given that the Supreme Court has scarcely addressed the topic in more than three decades,21 21.See infra notes 60–68 and accompanying text.Show More and hence the bulk of the doctrinal development has occurred in the lower courts, this gap in the literature is all the more significant.

The purpose of this Note is to begin closing that gap by analyzing the degree to which lower federal courts fulfill their “virtually unflagging obligation” in practice. To do so, I reviewed all opinions that referenced Colorado River abstention over the course of ten years, 2008–2018, in two federal district courts, the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York and the Northern District of Illinois. I did the same with twenty-five years of opinions, 1993–2018, issued by the appellate courts to which cases from those districts are appealed, the U.S. Courts of Appeals for the Second and Seventh Circuits.22 22.A few notes on methodology and scope will be helpful before proceeding. First, to find these cases, I searched both Bloomberg Law and Westlaw for the terms “Colorado River” and “abstention.” To ensure no cases were missed, I cross checked those results against the American Law Reports’ database of Colorado River abstention decisions, 193 A.L.R. Fed. 291. Second, the temporal scope of the court of appeals research was limited to cases decided between January 1, 1993, and January 1, 2018. Likewise, the district court research was limited to cases that met the following three criteria: (1) the case was filed in or transferred to either the Southern District of New York or the Northern District of Illinois on or after January 1, 2008; (2) the district court decided a question of Colorado River abstention prior to January 1, 2018; and (3) the case was not transferred to another district court. Third, the cases included in my analyses were limited to those in which the district court actually decided a question of Colorado River abstention. Cases in which Colorado River was provided as an alternative holding or was denied in dictum (e.g., after the court had already dismissed the case for failure to state a claim) were included and noted as such. On the other hand, cases in which the parties raised a question of Colorado River abstention but the court did not specifically address it were excluded. Likewise, cases which were ultimately decided under the more flexible doctrine of Brillhart/Wilton abstention—which governs a federal court’s discretion to decline jurisdiction over a declaratory judgment action in favor of a pending state proceeding—were excluded. See Brillhart v. Excess Ins. Co. of Am., 316 U.S. 491, 495 (1942); Wilton v. Seven Falls Co., 515 U.S. 277, 288 (1995). Finally, except where specifically noted, cases resolved under the doctrine of so-called “international comity” abstention, in which a federal court abstains in favor of concurrent litigation in the courts of a foreign nation, were also excluded. See, e.g., Freund v. Republic of France, 592 F. Supp. 2d 540, 565–66 (S.D.N.Y. 2008).Show More

Various factors informed my choice of both the courts and timeframe for analysis. With respect to courts, I chose the Southern District of New York and the Northern District of Illinois for three reasons. First, each handles a high volume of civil litigation and hears a wide variety of civil cases.23 23.In 2017, the Northern District of Illinois had the third largest civil docket among the federal district courts, while the Southern District of New York ranked fifth. See U.S. Courts, Statistical Tables for the Federal Judiciary, at tbl.C-1, U.S. District Courts—Civil Cases Filed, Terminated, and Pending During the 12-Month Period Ending June 30, 2017, https://­www.uscourts.gov/­sites/default/files/data_tables/stfj_c1_630.2017.pdf [https://perma.cc/RY­46-XXDT].Show More Second, the decisions of these courts are appealed to two different courts of appeals, enabling an investigation of differences in doctrinal development and application between circuits. Third, and most importantly, they appear to have heard the highest number of requests to abstain under Colorado River over the applicable timeframe.24 24.This was determined by searching both the published opinions and dockets of the federal district courts for four sets of terms related to Colorado River abstention and concurrent litigation. Each court was then ranked according to the combined number of results between opinions and docket for each search term. The Southern District of New York ranked first in every search, while the Northern District of Illinois ranked second, third, or fourth in each.Show More Thus, focusing on these two courts was intended to enable an analysis of a diversity of Colorado River cases decided by judges relatively familiar with the doctrine. The temporal scope was chosen partially for simple administrative feasibility and to capture the most recent doctrinal developments. Furthermore, as a portion of the research involved analyzing the time between a case being filed and reaching judgment,25 25.See infra note 119 and accompanying text.Show More it was essential that the analyzed cases be governed by a relatively consistent pleading standard. Therefore, the starting date was chosen so as to fall after the Supreme Court’s decision in Bell Atlantic Corp. v. Twombly,26 26.550 U.S. 544 (2007).Show More which announced the heightened “plausibility” pleading standard for federal suits.27 27.Id. at 556–57.Show More

Analysis of these cases reveals stark trends. By and large, the application of Colorado River abstention in the lower courts is a story of confusion and unpredictability. Struggling with a paucity of guidance from the Supreme Court, the courts of appeals and their corresponding district courts have taken divergent approaches to the issue. Federal cases involving parallel state court litigation can expect wildly different treatment if filed in the Southern District of New York versus the Northern District of Illinois. Moreover, though they take nearly opposite approaches, neither court’s methodology has furthered the goals of either Colorado River abstention’s critics or its supporters. Indeed, it could be said that the worst fears of both sides of the argument have been realized—the doctrine as currently applied promotes judicial waste, creates uncertainty for judges and litigants alike, and often results in the parties being denied access to a federal forum without a sufficiently clear (or any) rationale.

This Note addresses these issues and considers their resulting implications in four parts. Part I provides necessary background. It briefly reviews the types and causes of concurrent state-federal litigation. It then traces the historical development in the lower federal courts of what would come to be known as Colorado River abstention. This Part concludes with an overview of the doctrine itself as promulgated by the Supreme Court in Colorado River and subsequent cases. Part II presents the findings of my lower court research. It summarizes the relevant doctrinal development in each circuit then analyzes, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the application of that doctrine in the district courts. Part III synthesizes the conclusions of the lower court research and proposes an alternative framework under which questions of Colorado River abstention could be decided. Given the unsatisfactory nature of the doctrine as currently applied, the purpose of this proposal is to create greater theoretical coherence and decisional consistency while simultaneously maximizing efficiency and conserving judicial resources. Part IV concludes by briefly addressing and rebutting potential objections to the proposal offered in Part III. In sum, this Note offers a practical reassessment of what could be a valuable doctrine of federal courts law but what currently represents little more than another source of needless litigation over jurisdiction.

  1. * J.D., University of Virginia School of Law, 2019. I am indebted to Professors John C. Jeffries, Jr. and Caleb Nelson for their helpful comments and discussions. Special thanks are also due to the members of the Virginia Law Review who assisted in the editing and preparation of this piece, including Nick Carey, Julian Kritz, Laura Toulme, Edward Wixler, and many others. Any errors are my own.
  2. Thurman Arnold, Fair Fights and Foul: A Dissenting Lawyer’s Life 20–21 (1965) (quoting Professor Thomas Reed Powell).
  3. See Josue Caballero, Note, Colorado River Abstention Doctrine in the Fifth Circuit: The Exceptional Circumstances of a Likely Reversal, 64 Baylor L. Rev. 277, 279–80 (2012) (describing this phenomenon in the state-federal context). Concurrent litigation can also arise between two federal courts, two state courts, or even within a single state court system. Allan D. Vestal, Repetitive Litigation, 45 Iowa L. Rev. 525, 525 (1960) [hereinafter Vestal, Repetitive Litigation]. These other forms of concurrent litigation are beyond the scope of this Note.
  4. Charles Dowd Box Co. v. Courtney, 368 U.S. 502, 507–08 (1962) (citing Clafin v. Houseman, 93 U.S. 130, 136 (1876)); Martin H. Redish, Intersystemic Redundancy and Federal Court Power: Proposing a Zero Tolerance Solution to the Duplicative Litigation Problem, 75 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1347, 1350 (2000) [hereinafter Redish, Intersystemic Redundancy].
  5. Howlett v. Rose, 496 U.S. 356, 367 (1990) (quoting Clafin, 93 U.S. at 137).
  6. Colo. River Water Conservation Dist. v. United States, 424 U.S. 800, 817 (1976) (“Generally, as between state and federal courts, the rule is that ‘the pendency of an action in the state court is no bar to proceedings concerning the same matter in the Federal court having jurisdiction . . . .’” (quoting McClellan v. Carland, 217 U.S. 268, 282 (1910))).
  7. James C. Rehnquist, Taking Comity Seriously: How to Neutralize the Abstention Doctrine, 46 Stan. L. Rev. 1049, 1064 (1994) (describing concurrent litigation as “patently wasteful”).
  8. Colo. River, 424 U.S. at 817–19 (explaining that federal courts should only defer to concurrent state court proceedings in “exceptional” circumstances and that “[o]nly the clearest of justifications will warrant dismissal”).
  9. Kokkonen v. Guardian Life Ins. Co. of Am., 511 U.S. 375, 377 (1994).
  10. Julian Velasco, Congressional Control over Federal Court Jurisdiction: A Defense of the Traditional View, 46 Cath. U. L. Rev. 671, 671–72 (1997) (“The orthodox view long has been that Congress possesses nearly plenary authority to restrict federal court jurisdiction.”). The canonical citation for that view (also known as the “traditional” view) is Sheldon v. Sill, 49 U.S. (8 How.) 441, 449 (1850). Velasco, supra, at 674–75.
  11. For examples of the differing views on this topic, compare Martin H. Redish, Abstention, Separation of Powers, and the Limits of the Judicial Function, 94 Yale L.J. 71 (1984) [hereinafter Redish, Separation of Powers] (arguing that federal courts have little discretion to decline jurisdiction conferred by Congress), with David L. Shapiro, Jurisdiction and Discretion, 60 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 543 (1985) (arguing for greater judicial discretion over jurisdiction).
  12. See Leonard Birdsong, Comity and Our Federalism in the Twenty-First Century: The Abstention Doctrines Will Always Be with Us—Get Over It!!, 36 Creighton L. Rev. 375, 376 (2003).
  13. Zwickler v. Koota, 389 U.S. 241, 248 (1967); see also Amy Coney Barrett, Procedural Common Law, 94 Va. L. Rev. 813, 824–25 (2008) (describing the abstention doctrines as examples of federal common law).
  14. Barrett, supra note 12, at 824; see also Cty. of Allegheny v. Frank Mashuda Co., 360 U.S. 185, 188 (1959) (“The doctrine of abstention, under which a District Court may decline to exercise or postpone the exercise of its jurisdiction, is an extraordinary and narrow exception to the duty of a District Court to adjudicate a controversy properly before it.”).
  15. The three earlier-developed abstention doctrines are also named after the cases in which they were first articulated. Pullman abstention, a relative of the doctrine of constitutional avoidance, governs situations in which a federal court can abstain to allow a state court to answer unsettled questions of state law that are relevant to the federal case and that may obviate the need to decide a difficult constitutional question. See R.R. Comm’n of Tex. v. Pullman Co., 312 U.S. 496, 498 (1941). Burford abstention permits federal courts to decline jurisdiction to avoid disrupting a complex state regulatory scheme. See Burford v. Sun Oil Co., 319 U.S. 315, 332 (1943). Finally, Younger abstention prevents federal courts, absent a showing of bad faith or harassment, from enjoining ongoing state criminal or quasi-criminal proceedings. See Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37, 54 (1971).
  16. Colo. River Water Conservation Dist. v. United States, 424 U.S. 800, 817–19 (1976). Though the Supreme Court declined to describe the doctrine promulgated in Colorado River as a form of abstention, see id. at 817, there seems to be no principled basis for this distinction. Given that most lower court judges and several Supreme Court Justices have referred to the Colorado River doctrine as a version of abstention, for the sake of simplicity I will refer to it as such. See 17A Charles Alan Wright & Arthur R. Miller et al., Federal Practice and Procedure § 4247, at 471 nn.77–78 (3d ed. 2007) (collecting cases referring to the doctrine as Colorado River abstention).
  17. 424 U.S. 800 (1976).
  18. Id. at 817.
  19. Id. at 817–18. Note that declining jurisdiction in this context could constitute either a stay or dismissal of the federal case, because when a district court abstains pursuant to Colorado River it is assumed that there will be no further proceedings in the federal court except perhaps application of res judicata upon the state court’s resolution of the controversy. See Moses H. Cone Mem’l Hosp. v. Mercury Constr. Corp., 460 U.S. 1, 10 (1983).
  20. It would be both impossible and unproductive to attempt an exhaustive survey of the literature on Colorado River abstention here. For representative examples of generally positive commentary, see Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Why Abstention Is Not Illegitimate: An Essay on the Distinction Between “Legitimate” and “Illegitimate” Statutory Interpretation and Judicial Lawmaking, 107 Nw. U. L. Rev. 847 (2013); Gene R. Shreve, Pragmatism Without Politics—A Half Measure of Authority for Jurisdictional Common Law, 1991 BYU L. Rev. 767 (1991); Ann Althouse, The Humble and the Treasonous: Judge-Made Jurisdiction Law, 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 1035 (1989); Shapiro, supra note 10. For more critical views, see Martin H. Redish, Judge-Made Abstention and the Fashionable Art of “Democracy Bashing,” 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 1023 (1989) [hereinafter Redish, Judge-Made Abstention]; Donald L. Doernberg, “You Can Lead a Horse to Water . . .”: The Supreme Court’s Refusal to Allow the Exercise of Original Jurisdiction Conferred by Congress, 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 999 (1989); Linda S. Mullenix, A Branch Too Far: Pruning the Abstention Doctrine, 75 Geo. L.J. 99 (1986); Redish, Separation of Powers, supra note 10.
  21. Though a few such analyses have been undertaken, the vast majority considered the reaction of the lower courts in the immediate aftermath of the Court handing down Colorado River and hence are seriously outdated. See, e.g., Mullenix, supra note 19, at 128–49. For an example of a rare, recent attempt, see Caballero, supra note 2, at 277–79 (surveying cases in the Fifth Circuit and concluding that “[a] decision [by a district court] to abstain under Colorado River practically guarantees reversal” (footnote omitted)).
  22. See infra notes 60–68 and accompanying text.
  23. A few notes on methodology and scope will be helpful before proceeding. First, to find these cases, I searched both Bloomberg Law and Westlaw for the terms “Colorado River” and “abstention.” To ensure no cases were missed, I cross checked those results against the American Law Reports’ database of Colorado River abstention decisions, 193 A.L.R. Fed. 291. Second, the temporal scope of the court of appeals research was limited to cases decided between January 1, 1993, and January 1, 2018. Likewise, the district court research was limited to cases that met the following three criteria: (1) the case was filed in or transferred to either the Southern District of New York or the Northern District of Illinois on or after January 1, 2008; (2) the district court decided a question of Colorado River abstention prior to January 1, 2018; and (3) the case was not transferred to another district court. Third, the cases included in my analyses were limited to those in which the district court actually decided a question of Colorado River abstention. Cases in which Colorado River was provided as an alternative holding or was denied in dictum (e.g., after the court had already dismissed the case for failure to state a claim) were included and noted as such. On the other hand, cases in which the parties raised a question of Colorado River abstention but the court did not specifically address it were excluded. Likewise, cases which were ultimately decided under the more flexible doctrine of Brillhart/Wilton abstention—which governs a federal court’s discretion to decline jurisdiction over a declaratory judgment action in favor of a pending state proceeding—were excluded. See Brillhart v. Excess Ins. Co. of Am., 316 U.S. 491, 495 (1942); Wilton v. Seven Falls Co., 515 U.S. 277, 288 (1995). Finally, except where specifically noted, cases resolved under the doctrine of so-called “international comity” abstention, in which a federal court abstains in favor of concurrent litigation in the courts of a foreign nation, were also excluded. See, e.g., Freund v. Republic of France, 592 F. Supp. 2d 540, 565–66 (S.D.N.Y. 2008).
  24. In 2017, the Northern District of Illinois had the third largest civil docket among the federal district courts, while the Southern District of New York ranked fifth. See U.S. Courts, Statistical Tables for the Federal Judiciary, at tbl.C-1, U.S. District Courts—Civil Cases Filed, Terminated, and Pending During the 12-Month Period Ending June 30, 2017, https://­www.uscourts.gov/­sites/default/files/data_tables/stfj_c1_630.2017.pdf [https://perma.cc/RY­46-XXDT].
  25. This was determined by searching both the published opinions and dockets of the federal district courts for four sets of terms related to Colorado River abstention and concurrent litigation. Each court was then ranked according to the combined number of results between opinions and docket for each search term. The Southern District of New York ranked first in every search, while the Northern District of Illinois ranked second, third, or fourth in each.
  26. See infra note 119 and accompanying text.
  27. 550 U.S. 544 (2007).
  28. Id. at 556–57.

The post Colorado River Abstention: A Practical Reassessment first appeared on Virginia Law Review.

]]>